Showing posts with label Revolutionary War. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Revolutionary War. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 28, 2018

Gen. Horatio Gates' Letter to Continental Congress Announcing Victory at Saratoga

After the battles at Saratoga, New York, General Horatio Gates, wrote a letter to John Hancock, president of the Continental Congress announcing the victories. By rights the letter should have been sent to General George Washington, Gates' commanding officer. Many historians believe Gates was playing politics and angling to replace Washington as the supreme commander of the Continental Army. What is interesting about this letter to me, as an ancestor of a private in Morgan's Riflemen, is that Col. Morgan is mentioned in the letter. That private, who interests me so much was Benjamin Jennings, my four times great grandfather.

Page 1 of Gen. Gates' letter to the Continental Congress announcing his army's
victory at Saratoga; courtesy of the Library of Congress

Camp at Saratoga, Oct. 12th 1777

Sir[1],

I have the satisfaction to acquaint your Excellency with the great successes of the arms of the United States in this department. On the 7th instant the enemy attacked our advanced Picket upon the left which drew on an action about the same hour of the day and was near the same spot of ground where that of the 19th of Sept. was fought. From three o'clock in the afternoon until almost night the conflict was very warm and bloody, when the enemy by a precipitate retreat, determined the fate of the day leaving in our hands eight pieces of brass cannon, and the tents and baggage of their fleeing[?] army, a large quantity of fixed ammunition, a considerable number of wounded and prisoners, among whom are the following principal officers -- Major Williams who commanded the artillery, Major Ackland who commanded the corps of grenadier, Capt. Money L. McGeneral[?], and Sir Francis Clark, principal aide de camp to his Excellency Gen. Burgoyne. The loss upon our side is not more than _____ killed

Pages 2 and 3 of Gen. Gates' letter to the Continental Congress announcing
his army's victory at Saratoga; courtesy of the Library of Congress

Killed and wounded, amongst the latter is the gallant Major Gen. Arnold, whose leg was fractured by a musket ball as he was forcing the enemy's breastwork. Too much praise cannot be given to the Corps commanded by Col. Morgan consisting of his rifle regiment, and the light infantry of the army under Maj. Dearborn. But it would be injustice not to say that the whole body engaged deserve the honor and applause due to such exalted [illegible]. The night after action, the enemy took position in the strong entrenched camp upon their left. Gen. Lincoln, whose division was opposite to the enemy, going in the afternoon to fired[?] a cannonade to annoy their camp, received a musket ball in his leg, which shattered the bone. This has deprived me of the assistance of one of the best officers as well as men. His loss at this time cannot be too much regretted. I am in hopes his leg may be saved.

The 9th at midnight the enemy quitted their entrenchment and retired to Saratoga. Early in the morning of the 9th I received the enclosed letter from Gen. Burgoyne acquainting me that he left his whole hospital to my protection, in which are 300 wounded officers and soldiers. Brigadier Gen. Fraser, who commanded the flying army of the enemy was killed the 7th instant. At one o'clock in the morning of the 10th I received the enclosed letter from Gen. Burgoyne with Lady Harriet Ackland. That morning as soon as the army could be properly put in motion, I marched in pursuit of the enemy and arrived on the evening, and found the enemy had taken position upon the opposite side of the Fish Kill in an entrenched camp which they occupied upon their advancing down the country. The enemy have burned all the houses before them as they retreated. The extensive buildings and mills, etc., belonging to Maj. Gen. Schuyler are also laid to ashes.

This shameful behavior occasioned my sending a Drum with the enclosed letter to Gen. Burgoyne.

I am happy to acquaint your Excellency that desertion has taken a deep root in the Royal army, particularly among the Germans who come to us in shoals.

I am so much possessed on every side with business that it is impossible for me to be more particular now, but I hope in a few days to have license to acquaint your Excellency with every circumstance at present omitted.

I am with great respect your Excellency's most obedient and humble servant,

Horatio Gates

________________
[1] Excellency John Hancock, Esq.

Van Schaick Mansion: Planning the Defense of Albany
Morgan's Rifle Corps Travel North to Saratoga
Morgan's Rifle Corps Established and the Fog of War
Benjamin Jennings (c1740-1815): A Morgan's Rifleman
British Surrender at Saratoga
Revolutionary War Soldier

Monday, February 26, 2018

Van Schaick Mansion: Planning the Defense of Albany

In 1777 the British strategy to win the war known on this side of the Atlantic as the Revolutionary War was to capture Albany, New York, and split the New England colonies from the rest of the American seaboard. They thought this divide-and conquer strategy would end the revolt before the French decided to enter the war. The British estimated that 40 percent of the people in the colony of New York supported the British and they would be easy to control.

John Burgoyne would launch the campaign from Quebec, Canada, and drive down the Hudson River valley. Barry St. Leger would lead the western offensive, advancing from Fort Oswego on Lake Ontario to Fort Stanwix and then along the Mohawk River Valley. William Howe would sail his troops up the Hudson River from New York City. The three British Generals would converge at the confluence of the Mohawk and Hudson rivers, drive a few miles south to Albany, and capture the city.

British strategy for 1777 versus what actually happened; created
using Google Maps and Microsoft Powerpoint

The Americans did not have good intelligence as to what the British plans were. Gen. Washington was at Morristown, New Jersey, in an attempt to watch the wily Howe. Would he support Burgoyne or attack Philadelphia? In Washington: A Life,  Ron Chernow describes Washington's dilemma:

"General Howe commanded an army double or treble the size of his own, keeping him in an agony of suspense. Would the British general suddenly lunge north to hook up with General Burgoyne, who was then marching south from Canada? Or would he head for Philadelphia by sea or land to exploit the propaganda triumph of expelling the Continental Congress from the city?"[1]

To combat the Howe threat, Washington stationed a part of his army in Middlebrook, New Jersey, while the the rest of his troops remained in Morristown. After Ticonderoga fell to Burgoyne, Washington felt sure sure Howe would indeed sail up the Hudson in support of Burgoyne. Instead Howe's troops sailed from Sandy Hook, New Jersey, and disappeared in the Atlantic Ocean. Washington began concentrating on protecting Philadelphia. As a result he played little part in the ensuing defense of Albany except providing help in the planning and sorting out the differences between officers of the Northern Department and soothing the ill will a planned change in leadership would engender.

After Buygoyne captured forts Ticonderoga and William Henry, Philip Schuyler, commanding officer of the Northern Department, retreated to Van Schaick Island with 5,000 hungry and poorly equipped men. The island sat at the confluence of the Mohawk and Hudson rivers. The Mohawk was the main route for east-west travel and the Hudson, the primary route for north-south travel. The island was in a superior strategic position. Schuyler established his headquarters at Van Schaick mansion, a large house built by Goosen Geritge Van Schaick in 1735.

Schuyler was respected by his peers but had a difficult relationship with his enlisted men. His Dutch surname held no appeal for colonists of English descent. As a result, he was ordered to turn over command of the Northern Department to Gen. Horatio Gates. The public, enlisted troops and militia men loved Gates. He caroused with his troops and was not as aloof as many other generals. Like many other officers, Schuyler did not approve of his authority or management style, but accepted the change of command.

At the Van Schaick Mansion, George Washington[1], Horatio Gates and Benedict Arnold developed the plans to defend Albany from Burgoyne. The initial plan was to engage Burgoyne at the first ford of the Mohawk on Van Hoever's (Havers) Island, now known as Peebles Island), and fortifications were constructed there. After St. Leger, commanding officer of the British western force lifted the siege at Fort Stanwix and a portion of Burgoyne's troops were defeated at Bennington, Vermont, the American prospects changed. Gen. Stark, the hero of Bennington traveled to Van Schaick Island to file his report. When he learned Gates was in charged of the Northern Department, he refused to serve under him.

Washington sent George Clinton, the governor of New York and a brigadier general who outranked the other officers, to Van Schaick Island to calm the factious generals. He stayed at the mansion for four days -- from 22 to 27 August and plans were finalized to move the Continental troops north.

Van Schaick Mansion, Green Island, New York; personal collection

As Burgoyne troops continued marching south and spreading a path of destruction along the Hudson River, word spread there would be a great battle north of Albany. More Continental Army troops, including Morgan's Riflemen, with which my four times great grandfather, Benjamin Jennings, served as well as militia men from neighboring colonies came to Van Schaick Island. Soon there was upwards of 6,000 to 8,000 American men preparing to fight Burgoyne. American morale was boosted by the battles at Oriskany and Bennington. Gates marched his troops north and meet Burgoyne in Stillwater where the Americans won the battles of Saratoga and turned the tide of the war.

The mansion where the war plans were developed was built in 1735 by Goosen Gertige Van Schaick. The location of the island at the confluence of the Hudson and Mohawk rivers on which the house was located made it an ideal military stronghold. It served as headquarters during the French and Indian Wars in 1755 and in the American Revolution beginning in 1777.

The Van Schaick Mansion is now owned by the Peter Gansevoort Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR). DAR conducts open houses once a month on Sundays in June through October. I cannot wait to tour the mansion.

_______________
[1] Legend has it that Washington, during one of his visits to the mansion, carved his initials in an upstairs window. 

Morgan's Rifle Corps Travel North to Saratoga
Morgan's Rifle Corps Established and the Fog of War
Benjamin Jennings (c1740-1815): A Morgan's Rifleman
British Surrender at Saratoga
Revolutionary War Soldier

Monday, February 19, 2018

Morgan's Rifle Corps Travel North to Saratoga

Continued from Morgan's Rifle Corps Established and the Fog of War 

The following information is from The Life of General Daniel Morgan by James Graham, published in 1859:

The terror which Burgoyne's Indian auxiliaries had spread among the people, by the murder and rapine which marked their path, required counteraction; and it was not, without reason, believed by the commander-in-chief, that in Daniel Morgan and his corps, such a counteraction would be found. He felt assured that they would prove more than a match for the Indians, and soon reassure the affrighted people. Still, the valuable services which they had performed, made him extremely reluctant to part with them. Nothing but the appeal to his benevolent impulses, which was coupled with the desire for the aid of this corps -- that an inhuman and merciless system of warfare might meet with merited chastisement -- induced him to detach them on this service. Orders were accordingly issued, as follows:

Neshamini Camp, August 16, 1777. [To] Col. Morgan, Sir: After you receive this, you will march, as soon as possible, with the corps under your command, to Peekskill, taking with you all baggage belonging to it. When you arrive there, you will take directions from General Putnam, who, I expect, will have vessels provided to carry you to Albany. The approach of the enemy in that quarter has made a further reinforcement necessary, and I know of no corps so likely to check their progress, in proportion to its number, as that under your command. I have great dependence on you, your officers and men, and I am persuaded you will do honor to yourselves, and essential services to your country.

Typical Hudson River sloops (based on Dutch design) near Anthony's nose,
a geological feature near Cortlandt Manor, New York; courtesy of the Hudson
River Maritime Museum

I expect that your corps has been paid to the last of June; but, as you are going on this command, and they may have occasion for more money, you will make out an estimate, as well as you can, for the sum due them for the month of July, and send an officer with it, to whom the amount shall be paid. I do not mean to exclude the corps from their pay in June. If that has not been paid, include it in the estimate.

I have nothing more to add, than my wishes for your success.

I am, sir, your most obedient servant,

George Washington

In obedience to these orders, Morgan put his corps in motion for the North, where he was destined to add so greatly to the laurels he had already won. The corps was in high spirits at the prospect of being speedily in a quarter where their fighting propensities might find full exercise.

While on the march, they were overtaken by further orders[1], not on this occasion countermanding those preceding, but supplementary to them. In obedience of these orders the march was hastened in the direction of Peekskill.

About a week after Morgan's departure for the North, and when he had proceeded too far to be recalled, intelligence was received that the British fleet had arrived in Chesapeake Bay, and that Howe, with sixteen thousand men, had landed, and was marching towards Philadelphia.

Washington, in the meantime, had advised General Gates of Morgan's advance to join him. "From various representations made to me," he observes, "of the disadvantages the army lay under, particularly the militia, from an apprehension of the Indian mode of fighting, I have dispatched Colonel Morgan, with his corps of riflemen, to your assistance, and expect that they will be with you in eight or ten days from this date. This corps I have great dependence on, and have no doubt but they will be exceedingly useful to you; as a check given to the savages, and keeping them within proper bounds, will prevent General Burgoyne from getting intelligence as formerly, and animate your other troops from a sense of their being more on an equality with the enemy."

On the same subject, the commander-in-chief wrote to General Putnam on the 16th:

"The people in the Northern army seem so intimidated by the Indians, that I have determined to send up Colonel Morgan's corps of riflemen, who will fight them in their own way. They will march from Trenton to-morrow morning, and reach Peekskill with all expedition. You will please to have sloops ready to transport them, and provisions laid in, that they may not wait a moment. The corps consists of five hundred men."

To Governor Clinton[2], in a letter of the same date, he observes:

"In addition to the two regiments which are gone from Peekskill, I am forwarding as fast as possible, to join the Northern army, Colonel Morgan's corps of riflemen, amounting to about five hundred. These are all chosen men, selected from the army at large well acquainted with the use of rifles, and with that mode of fighting, which is necessary to make them a good counterpoise to the Indians; and they have distinguished themselves on a variety of occasions, since the formation of the corps, in skirmishes with the enemy. I expect the most eminent services from them, and I shall be mistaken if their presence does not go far towards producing a general desertion among the savages."

Morgan, at the head of his corps, proceeded without delay to Peekskill. Here, having embarked his troops in the vessels which had been prepared for their reception, he started by a more expeditious method of traveling to Albany, leaving Lieutenant Colonel Butler to command during the passage.

Until a short time previous to this date, the operations in this quarter had resulted in a succession of disasters to the American cause. The conquest of Canada was followed by the fall of Ticonderoga, and all the other American posts on that frontier. Burgoyne, at the head of a powerful army and an auxiliary force of Indians and Canadians, had penetrated deep into the country, spreading death and desolation among its inhabitants, and was now encamped near the Hudson. Here his career was destined to terminate. Those severe reverses which he experienced at Bennington and in Tryon county[3], must have warned him of the fate which awaited him, even before the arrival of Gates and a large reinforcement. This officer succeeded General Schuyler in the command of the Northern army on the 19th of August. In reply to the letter of the commander-in-chief, Gates took in review the state of affairs in the North at that time. He likewise expressed his thanks for being permitted to obtain the valuable aid of Morgan and his corps...

Morgan, upon his arrival at Albany, found that preparations had already been made for the reception of his troops, and the transportation of their baggage to the scene of the action. As may be inferred from the annexed letter which awaited his arrival, General Gates was anxious to avail himself of his services at as early an hour as possible:

Headquarters, August 29, 1777. [To] Colonel Morgan, Commanding rifle corps, Albany. Dear Sir: I had much satisfaction in being acquainted by General Washington of your marching for this department. I have by this conveyance ordered Colonel Lewis, D. Q. M. General at Albany, to provide you, immediately upon your landing, with carriages for your baggage, and whatever may be necessary; tents, and a camp equipage, I conclude you have brought with you. I could wish you to march as soon as possible to Loudon's Ferry, where ground is marked for your present encampment. I have draughted one subaltern, one sergeant, one corporal, and fifteen picked men from each regiment of this army to serve with your corps and to be under your command. When you have seen your regiment to their ground, I desire you will come to headquarters. I am, sir, Your affectionate, Humble servant, Horatio Gates."

Historical marker indicating the spot near Loudon's Ferry where Col. Morgan
and General Poor's men camped before marching north to meet British General
Burgoyne's forces; photograph by Howard Ohlhous

Upon arriving at headquarters, Morgan met with a cordial greeting from General Gates. Among other tokens of the regard in which he was held, his corps was designated as the advance of the army, and he was directed to receive orders only from the general-in-chief. So flattering a reception could not fail to make a due impression on Morgan, who now longed for a speedy opportunity of justifying the general in his favorable impression.

In a few days his men arrived, and soon afterwards took post at the position assigned to them. They were joined at that place by the promised reinforcement of their numbers, which was organized into a battalion of light infantry under Major (afterwards General) Dearborn. The men of this battalion number two hundred and fifty were selected from the line of the army, with careful reference to their bodily vigor and their acquaintance with bush fighting. Their commander was a gallant a soldier as ever wore a sword. He was doubly acceptable to Morgan, inasmuch as they had together shared in the toils, misfortunes, and glories of Arnold's expedition against Quebec, during which a warm friendship had been cemented between them.

Morgan was not destined to remain long inactive. The events of the preceding month had produced a great change in the prospects of the contending armies. The confidence which animated the British during the early stages of the campaign, had been transferred to the Americans, and the terror and despondency which the latter had experienced, had taken possession of the enemy. The withdrawal of Schuyler from the command, and the appointment thereto of Gates, had produced a favorable influence upon the militia, who now turned out with alacrity. The large reinforcements which had been sent forward were on the ground, ready for action. The time had at length arrived, when the American arms in this quarter might safely count on a triumph.

On the 8th of September, the army under General Gates, numbered at that time about six thousand, struck their tents at the encampment at Sunset, and advanced towards Stillwater. The day previous, Morgan was advised of the intended movement, and received instructions by which his conduct was to be guided.[4] It was thought, at the time, that the enemy would certainly produce an action. The rifle corps was in high spirits at the prospect. But, these expectations were, however, disappointed, as nothing of the moment occurred during the march to Bemis Heights, which place, having been selected for an encampment, was occupied by the American army on the 12th.

_______________
[1] Headquarters, Aug. 18, 1777. [To] Colonel Morgan, Colonel of rifle corps on the march for Albany, Dear Sir: In addition to the orders already sent to you by his Excellency, I have it in orders from him to request, that you will march your corps with all possible dispatch to join the army under command of Major General Gates, and when there, you will take orders from him and act accordingly. I am, for his Excellency, Your most obedient servant, John Fitzgerald, Aide-de-Camp
[2] George Clinton, Governor of New York from 1777 to 1795 and 1801 to 1805.
[3] Raising of the siege of Fort Stanwix, along the Mohawk River, and British retreat back to Canada. Fort Stanwix was in modern-day Rome, Oneida County, New York.
[4] Headquarters, sunset, Sept. 7, 1777. [To] Colonel Morgan, Sir: You are to assemble the corps under your command upon the heights above Half Moon, to-morrow morning, at gun firing; you will direct the officer of your rearguard to be attentive to the march of the columns upon the right and left of your corps; and you will dispatch intelligence to me and to General Arnold, of all extraordinary motions of the enemy; and everything you think it is necessary we should be informed of. You cannot be too careful in reconnoitering your front, and gaining every possible knowledge of the ground, and the surrounding country. Reposing especial trust and confidence in your experience and capacity, I rest satisfied you will exert all your endeavors for the good of the public services. You will hear from me frequently in the course of the day's operations, which makes it unnecessary to add more at present, than that I am, with affection and esteem, Dear sir, your most obedient and humbled Servant, Horatio Gates

Morgan's Rifle Corps Established and the Fog of War
Benjamin Jennings (c1740-1815): A Morgan's Rifleman
British Surrender at Saratoga
Revolutionary War Soldier

Monday, February 12, 2018

Morgan's Rifle Corps Established and the Fog of War

Not long ago, I was poking around in the catalog for the library of the Daughters of the Revolution.  In it I found a reference to a book by James Graham entitled The Life of General Daniel Morgan, published in 1859. Googling the title and author led me to a full-text digital version of the book on Internet Archive.

In it I learned more about the corps in which my four times great grandfather, Benjamin Jennings, served during the Revolutionary War under Col. Morgan from at least July 1777 through December 1778 (muster and payroll records). I had always wondered where Morgan and his men were stationed before the battles of Saratoga and when and how they arrived in New York.

What struck me about Morgan's corps movements before Saratoga was the "fog of war" -- Gen. Washington's indecision about British Gen. Howe's objective during the summer of 1777. Would he support Burgoyne's drive to split the colonies or would he attack vulnerable Philadelphia, the capital of the his nascent nation? Washington had reluctantly determine to send Morgan's men north to support Gen. Gates in the Northern Department, but also wanted to keep him close if he was needed in the defense of Philadelphia. Those conflicting desires had Morgan and his riflemen on the move.

Title page from The Life of Daniel Morgan by
James Graham; courtesy Internet Archive

From Graham's book:

On the morning of the 13th of June, the day on which Morgan assumed the command of his regiment, Sir William Howe, leaving 2,000 men at New Brunswick, sent two strong columns of his forces, under Generals Cornwallis and De Heister, in the direction of the Delaware. The purpose of this movement was to induce Washington to quit his fortified camp at Middlebrook, and risk an engagement in defense of the quarter threatened. The front of Cornwallis' column reached Somerset court house by the dawn of day, when it was discovered by one of Morgan's detached parties. Intelligence of this movement of the enemy having been communicated to headquarters by Morgan, he at once advanced with his regiment to neighboring Somerset.

Being secured on their flanks by the Raritan and Millstone, the enemy were found too strongly posted to be approached without danger. But during the five or six days that they occupied this position, several spirited encounters took place between small parties of their force and detachments of the Rangers,[1] in which the latter were invariably victorious. Finding that Washington was not to be drawn into a disadvantageous engagement, and not daring to prosecute his seeming purpose of crossing the Delaware, the British general returned to New Brunswick on the 19th of June.

Morgan, in conformity with instructions he had received from headquarters[2], kept a vigilant eye upon the enemy. Their return to New Brunswick was signalized by several spirited attacks on their flanking parties by the Rangers.

One the morning of the 22nd, General Howe evacuated New Brunswick, and retired towards Amboy, setting fire to every building on his line of march. Washington, on being appraised of the retreat, detached three brigades (one of which was Wayne's), under Gen. Green, to fall on the enemy's rear, while Sullivan and Maxwell were ordered to cooperate upon their flank. The main body, in the meantime, paraded on the heights, ready to act as occasion might require.

As Morgan was posted in the immediate neighborhood of the enemy, he was first apprised of their movements, and thereupon he immediately pushed forward to annoy them. He first encountered a strong picket of Hessians, who were soon driven in upon the main body.  The latter were at this moment in full retreat across the bridge, a strong division of their forces being drawn up to cover the movement. Against this body, Morgan immediately directed the fire of his regiment; and after a fierce struggle of a few minutes, the enemy were force to give way, and to seek the shelter afforded by some redoubts which they had previously constructed on that side of the river. The advantage afforded them by the redoubts subjected Morgan to a momentary check; but Gen. Wayne's brigade arriving at this juncture, the contest was renewed with greater spirit than ever. After a short struggle, the British abandoned their redoubts, and retreated precipitately along the Amboy road.

Portion of the letter from George Washington to the Continental Congress
apprising them that a significant number of Howe's men had almost bren
captured; Washington's Writings, Volume IV; courtesy of Internet Archive

Morgan, followed by Wayne, kept close to the heels of the enemy; and before he gave up the pursuit, forced their rear guard, on several occasions, to face about, and exchange several sharp fires with his riflemen. For more than an hour, the contest was maintained with severe loss on both sides; and it was not until Wayne and Morgan advanced in the pursuit as far as Piscataway, that they ordered a halt. They had reckoned with confidence on the cooperation of Sullivan and Maxwell, in which event they felt assured, that the day would prove a disastrous one to General Howe. But this not being obtained, they paused awhile at Piscataway, to refresh their men, and then returned to New Brunswick. The opinion prevailed in the army after this battle, that had Maxwell arrived at the post assigned him, in time to take part in the contest, the enemy's rear guard of 1,500 men would have been cut off and captured.

In this action, Morgan greatly distinguished himself. His corps had fought with extraordinary valor; and, although it suffered severely in its repeated encounters with the enemy during the preceding few days, the loss of the latter was far greater. Morgan and Wayne, as well as their officers and men, were made the subject of very commendatory remarks in the letter which Washington addressed to the President of Congress, after the action. Honorable mention was made of "their conduct and bravery on this occasion," and the fact was specially noted, that "they constantly advanced upon an enemy far superior to them in numbers, and well secured behind strong redoubts."

The new and somewhat exposed situation of the main body of the American army, in its advanced position at Quibbletown, offered temptations to the British commander to make a fresh attack. The object of his first movement was to draw Washington from his entrenched camp, and bring on a general action. He now thought that a rapid movement of his force might enable him to turn the American left, and gain the heights in its rear, thus forcing Washington to fight at a disadvantage. Accordingly, on the night of the 25th, he recalled the troops which had crossed to Staten Island, and early next morning made a rapid movement, in two columns, towards Westfield. The right, under Cornwallis, took the route by Woodbridge to Scotch Plains; and the left, led by Howe, marched by Metucking meeting house. In addition, four battalions, with six pieces of cannon, were detached to Bonhamstown, in order to cover Amboy. Howe was to attack the left of the American army at Quibbletown, while Cornwallis was to gain the heights on the left of the camp at Middlebrook.

The marquee, or tent Washington used during the Revolutionary War circa 1909;
courtesy of The American Revolution Center

After the action of the 22nd, Morgan took post in advance of the the main body, and in the neighborhood of Woodbridge. On the morning of the 26th, the advance of Cornwallis was discovered, and soon after vigorously attacked. The conflict was maintained with spirit for half an hour, and with a severe loss on the part of the enemy. But, their main body coming up to the support of the advance, Morgan commenced retiring towards the camp. Washington, as soon as he heard the firing, comprehended how matters stood. He ordered a retreat to Middlebrook, after having detached a strong corps under Sterling, to secure the mountain passes on his left. Cornwallis continued to advance, and at length encountered Sterling, who, after a warm engagement, was obliged to give way to with the loss of three pieces of cannon. Cornwallis then pressed forward as far as Westfield. Here finding that his object had been foreseen, and provided against, he halted for two days, and then commenced a retreat to Amboy.

When it became known that Cornwallis had halted at Westfield, Gen. Scott's brigade and Morgan's corps were thrown forward to observe and annoy him. As soon as the retreat commenced, he was immediately attacked by those officers. Along the whole way to Rahway, a continued skirmish was kept up with the flanks and rear of the enemy, who lost a large number of their force in killed and wounded. They marched, however, in a compact body, and, leaving no opening for a serious attack, kept their assailants at bay. They reached Amboy, and crossed over to Staten Island by the 30th of June.

For some time previous to this period, the designs of the enemy baffled conjecture, and had been a source of great disquietude to Washington. It was now believed that a junction between Burgoyne and Howe was contemplated. Measures were at once taken by the commander-in-chief to counteract such a scheme. Nixon's brigade was sent to reinforce the northern army under Schuyler; Generals Parson and Varnum were ordered to march with their brigades to Peekskill; the division under General Sullivan was pushed forward to Pompton; and the headquarters, with the remainder of the army, were successively removed nearer to the Highland and to the Hudson; first to Morristown, then to Pompton, and afterwards to the Clove.

Several taverns were in operation on the Clove Road in what is now Suffern,
New York, Suffern's was the most noted as it was located at the juncture
of Clove Road and three other highways leading to New Jersey, the Hudson,
and to lower Orange County; courtesy of the Orange County Historical Society

Morgan, who, since the retreat of the British to Staten Island, had been posted at Chatham, was early advised of the movements of the army, and had received the necessary instructions to guide him.[3] He remained at this place for about a week; when the impression gaining ground that the enemy were about moving up the North river, he received orders to march northward.[4] He accordingly pushed forward as directed, and reached Hackensack on the second or third day following.

Everything, at this time, indicated that a conflict was at hand; and Morgan and his corps were eager for a better opportunity than had yet offered to distinguish themselves. But, again all was doubt and uncertainty as to the real object of the enemy's active and extensive preparations. Their fleet, having taken on board a large number of troops and stores, had dropped down the bay, encouraging the presumption that it was about putting to sea. The orders, which originated in a belief that the enemy intended moving up the Hudson, were accordingly countermanded; and Morgan, on reaching Hackensack, received directions to halt until further orders.[5]

He, accordingly, halted at this place for a few days. The intentions of the enemy still remained unknown, yet their great preparations rendered it certain that they meditated some important expedition. The only resource left the commander-in-chief in this emergency, was to dispose of his force in such a manner as to be in some measure prepared for the enemy in whatever they might appear. In the meanwhile, he exercised an untiring vigilance in watching their movements, and in guarding against surprise.

A few days elapsed, when news was received, which, for a time, seemed to furnish a certain clue to the enemy's designs. The fleet had left New York, with a very large force on board, and stood out to sea. Apprehending now that Philadelphia was the point threatened, as it subsequently proved to be, the commander-in-chief put the great part of his army at once in motion towards that city. The orders which reached Morgan on this occasion were as follows:

Camp at Kamapaugh, July 24, 1777,

To Col. Morgan

Sir: The enemy's fleet having left Sandy Hook and gone to sea, you are immediately, on receipt of this, to march with the corps under your command to the city of Philadelphia, and there receive orders from the commanding officer. You will proceed as expeditiously as you can by the shortest route; you will take no heavy baggage with you, but leave it to follow with an officer, and a proper guard. I am, sir, etc., George Washington

In less than an hour after the above order was received, Morgan and his corps were on the march to Philadelphia. On arriving at Trenton, he halted for a few days at that place, in obedience to orders to that effect.[6] The mind of the commander-in-chief was not yet altogether clear of doubt as to the real object of the enemy. But another day seemed to render this unmistakable. The fleet had appeared off the capes of Delaware, standing in. Morgan was advised of this fact by a note from Col. Naylor,[7] and in anticipation of orders, he crossed the Delaware, and pushed on without delay towards Philadelphia.

The several divisions of the army were now rapidly approaching the neighborhood of Philadelphia. The militia of Pennsylvania, and of the adjoining states, immediately took the field. The approach of the enemy was rendered seemingly certain, and every preparation was made to meet them. But, once again the commander-in-chief was involved in a state of uncertainty. The fleet, after hovering about the mouth of the Delaware bay for a day or two, stood out to sea in an easterly direction. Apprehending that the enemy's extraordinary movements might tend, after all, towards the [Hudson] Highlands, he at once took measures to strengthen the force in that quarter, by bodies of militia from New York and Connecticut.

To add to his perplexities, the intelligence of the fall of Ticonderoga, and of Burgoyne's advance, reached him about this time, accompanied by clamorous demands for large detachments from his army to reinforce that in the north. Feeling certain that General Howe's designs had reference to the section of country occupied by his army; reflecting, besides, that the defense of this section against the main army of the enemy was an object, superior in importance to any other existing, he felt reluctant to weaken his force in aid of the northern army, until these designs should be fully developed.

In the belief that the fleet had gone eastward, the army was put in motion towards the Hudson. A day or two previous to this movement, Morgan received orders to advance with his corps to Maidenhead.[8] He had accordingly marched, and was about crossing the Delaware in the neighborhood of Trenton, when counter orders were sent to him.[9] The army had not been in motion more than a day, when intelligence was received that the fleet had again appeared on the 7th off Sinepuxent Inlet, a place about fifty miles south of the Capes of Delaware. An immediate halt was hereupon ordered, with the determination to await the development of the enemy's plans.

The rapid advance of Burgoyne, now attracted the serious attention of Washington towards the north, whither the scene of our narrative is about to change. Two regiments had been already ordered from Peekskill in aid of the northern army; and more were speedily to follow. Among others, it was determined that Morgan's corps should be sent to that quarter.

_______________
[1] Daniel Morgan's Rifle Corps were called Morgan's Rangers, Morgan's Rifles, or Morgan's Riflemen.
[2] Headquarters, 15th June 1777. [To] Col. Morgan, Sir: His Excellency desires you will continue to keep out your active parties carefully watching every motion of the enemy; and have your whole body in readiness to move without confusion, and free from danger. He likewise requests that you make your men be particularly careful of their provisions, or they must often suffer. I am, Sir, Your most obedient Servant, Richard R. Meade, A.D.G.
[3] Mrs. Lott's Fram, 11th July 1777 [To] Col. Morgan at Chatham, Dear Sir: Upon a presumption that the enemy intend to move either up the North or East river, our army marched this morning from Morristown, and will proceed leisurely towards the Clove, unless we have some certain intelligence that they intend southward. Colonel Dayton, who is at Elizabethown, watching the motions of the fleet, will give you immediate information which way they go. If up the East or North river, you will follow directly, keeping upon the right flank of the main army. The road is rather better than the one we march. You need not harass your men, but come on leisurely; if there is any occasion to hurry, we will send an express to you. I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, Tench Tilghman, A.D.C.
[4] Headquarters, 19th July, 9 o'clock, P.M., 1777. [To] Col. Morgan, Dear Sir: We have received your letter of this date. From the intelligence received this afternoon, we have every reason to believe that the enemy are about to move up the North river. It is, therefore, his excellency's orders, that upon receipt of this, you march your corps to the bridge, at the great falls, from thence to Paramus, thence to Kakegate, and thence to Haverstraw; there to observe the motions of the enemy; and, if they land on the west side of the river, below the Highlands, you are to take possession of the road to the forest of Dean Furnace, and oppose their penetrating that way. But, if the enemy push up the river, you are to get over the mountains to Fort Montgomery, and there wait for further orders. Your baggage (except what you think necessary for the men to carry), is to be sent by the nearest route towards this place, and from here to whatever place the army is, under a small guard. I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, John Fitzgerald, A.D.C.
[5] Camp at Kamapaugh, July 24, 1777. [To] Col. Morgan, Rifle Corps, Dear Sir: Since I wrote to you the night before last, we found out that the intelligence which occasioned the order to you, was premature. His excellency, therefore, orders me to direct, that if you have marched to the northward of Paramus, you return and take post there. If you have not got so far on receipt of this, you are occupy some place near you which you may find most convenient for the reception of your men. If your baggage has not got far from you, you had better order it back immediately. I am, sir, your obedient servant, John Fitzgerald, A.D.C. 
P.S.--You will let us know where you are as soon as you have fixed upon a place. As it may be probable that the enemy may make an incursion from Staten Island, you will require no further instructions from headquarters to march and oppose him. J. F.
[6] Connell's Ferry, July 28, 1777 [To] Col. Morgan, Sir: Should this reach you before your arrive at Trenton, it is likely his Excellency's desire that you make a halt there until further orders. Should you have passed it, you are to stop at Bristol, there to remain until you hear from him. I am, your most humble servant, R. R. Meade, A.D.C.
[7] Trenton, July 31, 1777, [To] Col. Morgan, Sir: A letter from Mr. Hancock informs that the enemy's fleet yesterday in the offing, and desires that all the troops here should advance immediately. I think you had best get over your regiment as soon as you possibly can. I am, sir, your humble servant, Stephen Naylor, Col. G. D.
[8] Camp near Germantown, Aug. 9, 1777, [To] Col. Morgan, Sir: You will march, to-morrow morning, the corps under your command, for Maidenhead, in the State of New Jersey, and there halt till you receive further orders. In your march, as during your stay at that place, you will take every possible care in your power to restrain every species of licentiousness in the soldiery, and to prevent them doing the least injury to the inhabitants or their property; as nothing can be more disserviceable to our cause, or more unworthy of the character we profess, to say northing of the injustice of the measure. I am, sir, your most humble servant, George Washington
[9] Camp at Cross Roads, Bucks Co., Sunday, 10th Aug., 1777, 10 o'clock, P.M. [To] Col. Morgan, I have just received from Philadelphia, informing me that a large fleet was seen of Sinepuxent Inlet on 7th inst. You are, therefore, directed to halt wherever this finds you, and wait till we hear further of the matter. Let me know, by return of the express, where you are, that I may know how to direct for you when I have occasion to send you orders. I am, sir, your most humble servant, George Washington
P.S.--By ordering you to halt where this finds you, I mean upon the most convenient group near the place.

Benjamin Jennings (c1740-1815): A Morgan's Rifleman
British Surrender at Saratoga
Revolutionary War Soldier

Friday, January 5, 2018

52 Ancestors #1: Benjamin Jennings (c1740-1815): Beginnings and Endings

Ancestor: Benjamin Jennings, four times great grandfather
DNA Haplogroup: I-M253

Benjamin Jennings was my four times great grandfather, Revolutionary War patriot, Virginia farmer, and one of my brick walls. He was the first documented direct ancestor in my paternal Jennings line. I have no idea who his parents were or where in the Colony of Virginia he was born. Many of his ancestors thought they were descendants of William Jennens (or Gennens), who lived in England and was believed to be the wealthiest commoner in the country at the time of his death in 1798. The ensuing court case about his real and personal estate inspired Charles Dickens' Bleak House.

We know very little about Benjamin Jennings' life before the Revolutionary War. The only bit of known information was that he or his son, Benjamin, Jr., worked as an overseer in 1775. This reference was found in a 1798 case heard at the Powhatan Chancery Court, I assume the plantation on which he worked was located in the eastern portion of Cumberland County, which later became Powhatan County.

Even if we know very little about Benjamin's life in Colonial Virginia, much has been written about the time period and we can use that information to place Benjamin's life within the context of his time and place. It is possible Benjamin did not yet own land as overseers were often young men who wanted the experience of managing a plantation before owning their own land. As an overseer, he would have been responsible for ensuring the enslaved laborers were doing sufficient work and everything possible was being done to improve the crop yield. Frequently, they were given a small house on the estate and enough land to have their own garden.

Drawing of a tobacco plant c1779; courtesy of
Reusable Art

Powhatan County was formed in 1777 from the eastern portion of Cumberland County. It lies south of the James River about 20 miles southwest of Richmond. The Nicotiana tabacum (tobacco) plant grew well in the rich bottomland soil near the James River. It produced a milder, dark leaf that was the European standard by the time Benjamin Jennings was born. Tobacco was the main cash crop of the colony and the General Assembly had developed a regulated system of tobacco inspection in order to keep standards high. Inspections took place at several locations around the colony, including Manchester[1] a port city on the highlands on the south side of the James River opposite Richmond.

Tobacco was typically packed in a hogshead for shipment to an inspection warehouse. The standard size of a hogshead at the time was 48 inches by 30 inches. Because plantation on which Benjamin worked was above the James River fall line, he had three options for transporting the tobacco hogsheads to a warehouse:
  • By a small river craft called a flat or a shallop, which would have landed at Westham, located just above the falls and then been taken to the port by wagon. 
  • By wagon directly to Manchester.
  • By rolling the hogsheads along the road, which was often an old Indian path. 
One such Indian path began at Manchester and went west to the areas that became Lynchburg and Roanoke. Current day U.S. Rt. 60 generally follows its course. This might well have been the route taken to bring tobacco from Powhatan County to port.

Drawing of men and tobacco hogsheads; courtesy of the National Museum
of American History

No evidence of Benjamin Jennings' family life has been unearthed for the period before the Revolutionary War. Based several documents, such as census records, tax lists, and death record indexes collected for his family, he was certainly married and already had several children before the Revolutionary War began.

Colonial Virginia was described as having a three-tiered society with the top 5 percent or so being landed gentry often called the planter class. However, the society was a really a bit more complex:
  • Enslaved field hands, usually brought from Africa or descendants of the enslaved who typically worked in the tobacco fields.
  • Enslaved house servants, performed skilled tasks such as cooks, laundresses, blacksmiths, coopers, etc.; they were generally considered "better off" but they were still enslaved.
  • Indentured servants, room and board were provided for a specific time period in exchange for learning a trade.
  • Free blacks, they did not enjoy the same rights as white persons but they could own property and work at a wide range of skilled tasks.
  • Farmers, worked their own small farms usually with the help of their children or a small number of slaves.
  • "Middling," these men and women worked in skilled trades but did not own farm land 
  • Gentry, considered the "upper crust" of society, were large land owners, wealthy merchants, and financiers. They own large tracts of land and many slaves. They served as magistrates, councilmen, church vestrymen and so forth.
I believe Benjamin Jennings was likely of what I would call a "middling" social class at this time in his life. This group gained a larger role in society during the 18th century. While they knew and worked a trade, they were less educated than gentry.  Benjamin made his mark to sign his will so could not read or write and to our knowledge did not inherit land, though he acquired land later moving into the farmer class.

Revolutionary War

Benjamin Jennings served during the Revolutionary War on two separate occasions. He was in the Virginia Militia with Capt. Thomas Gaddis' Company and then served in the Continental Army with Col. Daniel Morgan's Corps, known as Morgan's Riflemen. His war service will be described next week.

Life in Powhatan County

Benjamin returned home from the war and settled in Powhatan County. His wife died sometime after that -- between 1780, which was about the time their youngest child was born, and 1796 when Benjamin Jennings married for the second time.

Virginia's economy was in turmoil after the war. Lack of specie to pay off foreign debt hit the low and middle classes hard. Farmers were unable to sell their produce. When they could sell, it was for much less than before the war. How the economy specifically affected Powhatan County and Benjamin Jennings is unknown.

In 1783, Benjamin Jennings and his son, Benjamin Jennings, Jr., appeared on the tax lists for Powhatan County. These lists were collected by the U.S. Bureau of the Census in order to reconstruct the 1790 census for Virginia, which had been destroyed when the British burned Washington, DC, during the War of 1812. To have appeared on tax lists Benjamin and his son would been 21 years of age or older and have owned land and/or personal property. At the time, neither Benjamin Sr. or Jr. owned slaves. Voting, however, was limited to white male citizens over 21 years of age and owning, by 1785, a 25-acre lot with a house 12 feet square or 50 acres of open land. We do not know when Benjamin Jennings became eligible to vote.

In 1779 the Virginia Land Office was established. It was the responsibility of the office to manage obtaining and selling "waste and unappropriated land." Any person could purchase as much land as desired for a fee of forty pounds for a hundred acres. It's important to remember Virginia was a bigger state than it is today.

Virginia in 1779; courtesy of Map of the U.S.

The process of obtaining land was a complicated one, which involved a trip to the Auditor of Public Accounts to exchange the receipt received after payment for a certificate. This certificate was taken back to the Land Office and presented to the Registrar, who then issued a warrant to have the land surveyed. The purchaser was required to deposit the warrant with the surveyor in the county in which the land was located. Once the survey had been completed, the warrant was returned to the purchaser who had to file it at the Land Office and wait six months. If no claims against the warrant were recorded, the purchaser received a grant, which was signed and sealed by the governor. The grant included a description of the property.

On three separate dates in 1788 a Benjamin Jennings was granted over 6,500 acres of land near the Cheat River in Monongalia County (now part of West Virginia). At this time I do not know if "our" Benjamin Jennings received these grants or if they were granted to another man with the same name. Benjamin had served in the area with the Virginia Militia so it is possible he was familiar with the area. I do not believe he ever lived on the land and perhaps purchased it for speculation. The tax lists for Virginia between 1782 and 1786 only include two men named Benjamin Jennings -- "our" Benjamin and his son, Benjamin, Jr., but that is not definitive proof.

It could be possible these grants were awarded to Benjamin Jennings for his Revolutionary War service. In order to qualify as a war veteran, he would have had to have served in the Continental Army for three years continuously. Service in the militia did not count. The land given to veterans by the Commonwealth of Virginia was located in what is now Kentucky and Ohio. This is the main reason I do not believe these grants were related to his war service if they granted to "our" Benjamin Jennings.

Benjamin's children began marrying in 1792 when Benjamin, Jr. married Kisiah Roper. Benjamin, Jr., was at least 30 years old when he married. Daughter, Dorothea, was next to marry when she wed John Pemberton in 1796 at the age of 18 or 19; Edmund or Edward followed in 1798. Two years later Daniel married; followed by John in 1805. The last two children to marry before Benjamin's death were Elizabeth in 1810 and James in 1811. Benjamin Jr.'s wife likely died sometime soon after the new century began and he married a second time in 1804.

Second Marriage

On 13 February 1796, Benjamin Jennings married for the second time to Elizabeth McGruder, daughter of William Miles McGruder, also of Powhatan County. She was likely at least 20 years Benjamin's junior. Their only daughter, Martha, who went by Patsy" was born around the time of their marriage.

By 1810 when the third U.S. census was enumerated, Benjamin, Elizabeth and Patsy continued to live in Powhatan County and owned three slaves. Benjamin was listed as being 45 years and older; Elizabeth between 26 and 44 years of age; and Patsy, between 10 and 15.

Death of Benjamin Jennings

Benjamin Jennings wrote his last will and testament on 27 March 1815; it was proved on 19 July 1815 and an appraisal of his personal property was filed with the court on 24 July 1815 by the executor, Edward B. Jennings, who was listed in the will as a "faithful friend." The details of the will are described in a future post. His burial location is unknown.

This is my entry for Amy Johnson Crow's 52 Ancestors in 52 Weeks. I participated in 2014 and 2015 by writing about any interesting ancestor I was researching at the time I wrote the post. In 2017, I am taking a more disciplined approach and will be writing about the ancestors in my direct line only. My hope is by the end of the year I will have the makings of a book I can share with my siblings and cousins. The theme for this week was "Start, so I am starting with my four times great grandfather, Benjamin Jennings, who is the first definitively proven ancestor in my Jennings line.

A big thank you to all the researchers of this Jennings line who came before me, including my father, Janie Darby, Logan Jennings, Ann Maddox, and so many others. I merely collected documents and validated previous research.

Using the Ancestral Reference Numbering System, Benjamin Jennings is Ancestor No. 64 on my family tree.

64. Benjamin Jennings, born circa 1740[2] in Virginia; died in 1815; will written on 27 March 1815 in Powhatan County, Virginia and proved on 19 July 1815 in Powhatan County; married 1) to an unknown woman (many people believe Sally Dickerson, or Dickinson/Dickenson) before 1765 and 2) to Elizabeth McGruder, daughter of William McGruder, on 10 Feb 1796 in Powhatan County. Known issue are listed in order they appear in Benjamin's will:
     
      64.1 Elizabeth "Betsey" Jennings married Benjamin Waldron[3] on 11 January 1810 in Powhatan County. This Benjamin is not a known relative of Anna Maria Waldron[3], John W. Jennings' wife.    

     64.2 Dorothea Jennings born circa 1777-1779; died after 1860; married John Pemberton on 18 February 1796 in Powhatan County.

     64.3 Benjamin Jennings, Jr. born before 1762[4]; married 1) Kisiah Roper, daughter of Shadrach Roper, on 4 December 1792 in Powhatan County and 2) Sally Boles, daughter of Henry Boles, on 9 January 1804 in Chesterfield County, Virginia.

     64.4 Daniel Jennings born between 1771-1780; married Martha Watkins, daughter of Joseph Watkins, on 17 December 1800 in Chesterfield County.

     64.5 Edmund (or Edward) Jennings born between 1771 and 1780[5]; married Jemima Chappell, daughter of Ann Chappell, on 23 May 1798 in Chesterfield County.

     32.0 John W. Jennings, Sr. born circa 1776-1777; died 19 December 1858 in Amherst County, Virginia; married Anna Mariah (or Anna Maria) Waldron[3], daughter of Benjamin Waldron, Sr., on 19 January 1805 in Bedford County, Virginia.

     64.6 James Jennings married Rebecca Waldron[3] on 8 April 1811 or 1816 in Bedford County, Virginia. Rebecca is likely a sibling or cousin of John W. Jennings, Sr.'s wife, Anna Mariah or Anna Maria Waldron.[3]
    
     64.7 Martha "Patsy" Jennings born circa 1795 to Benjamin Jennings' second wife; died in 1854 in Amelia County, Virginia; married Benjamin Burton, son of Benjamin Burton, on 11 November 1816 in Powhatan County.

_______________
[1]The native place of Manastoh was named Rocky Ridge by the English until 1769 when it became an incorporated town in Chesterfield County named Manchester. It eventually merged with the City of Richmond.
[2] The birth date for Benjamin Jennings, Sr., is from another researcher and I do not know the reasoning behind it. The only document that notes his age is the 1810 census, which categorizes him as 45 and older. We do know his son Benjamin Jennings was born on or before 1762.
[3] There were three men in Virginia, who were alive at this time named Benjamin Walrond. All three used the Sr. and Jr. suffixes on different occasions. Anna Maria Waldron's father, Benjamin, Sr.,  lived in Pittsylvania and Campbell counties and her brother, Benjamin, Jr., lived in Bedford County. Elizabeth Jennings' husband was neither of these men. He lived in Powhatan and Chesterfield counties. His possible relationship to Anna Maria is not known. (See Did John W. Jennings, c1777-1858, Marry His Niece? for more details.) Waldron was most commonly spelled Walrond before the Civil War.
[4] Benjamin Jennings, Jr., appeared on the 1783 Powhatan County Tax List as a head of family. Assuming he was at least 21 years of age, then the latest he could have been born was 1762.
[5] Based on Edmund Jennings being 50-59 years of age in 1830 and 60-69 in 1840.

Sources:
1790 U.S. Federal Census (Reconstructed), Virginia State Enumerations 1782-1785), Benjamin Jennings in Powhatan County, Virginia, pages5 8-59 (accessed 5 September 2012)
1810 U.S. Federal Census, database, Ancestry.com (accessed 5 September 2012), Benjm Jennings, 1810; citing Powhatan, Virginia, reference Roll: 70; Page: 236; Image: 00451; Family History Library Film: 0181430
About the Virginia Land Office, Library of Virginia (accessed (4 January 2018)
Colonial Social Classes, Colonial Williamsburg (accessed 3 January 2018)
Couture, Richard T. Powhatan: A Bicentennial History, (Richmond, VA: The Dietz Press, 1980), page 97
Doughtie, Beatrice, Documented Notes on Jennings and Allied Families, (Decatur, GA: Bowen Press, 1961), pages 637-641).
DAR.org, Ancestral File for Benjamin Jennings, A062263 (accessed 1 May 2014).
Library of Virginia, Land Grant Office Records, Land Grant No. 404 (accessed 14 December 2017)
Library of Virginia, Land Grant Office Records, Land Grant No. 455 (accessed 14 December 2017)
Library of Virginia, Land Grant Office Records, Land Grant No. 464 (accessed 14 December 2017)
Library of Virginia, Land Grant Office Records, Land Grant No. 482 (accessed 14 December 2017)
Library of Virginia, Land Grant Office Records, Land Grant No. 864 (accessed 14 December 2017)
Library of Virginia, Land Grant Office Records, Land Grant No. 865 (accessed 14 December 2017)
Library of Virginia, Land Grant Office Records, Land Grant No. 866 (accessed 14 December 2017)
Library of Virginia, Land Grant Office Records, Land Grant No. 868 (accessed 14 December 2017)
Library of Virginia, Land Grant Office Records, Land Grant No. 870 (accessed 14 December 2017)
Library of Virginia, Virginia Chancery Records, Powhatan County 1806-03 Samuel Panrey v. Benjamin Jennings (accessed 14 December 2012).
History of Virginia, Wikipedia (accessed 3 January 2018)
Interactive Map of Virginia County Formation History, Map of U.S. (accessed 3 Jan 2019)
Manchester, Richmond, Virginia, Wikipedia (accessed 2 January 2018)
Overseer's Place on a Southern Plantation, History Engine, The (accessed 3 January 2018)
Piedmont of Virginia, Virginia Places (accessed 3 January 2018)
Powhatan County, Virginia, Wikipedia (accessed 2 January 2018)
Powhatan History, Town Square Publications (accessed 3 January 2018)
Tangled Roots and Trees, British Surrender at Saratoga, 17 October 2015 (accessed 4 January 2018)
Tangled Roots and Trees, Did John W. Jennings (c1777-1858) Marry His Niece?, 4 May 2016 (accessed 4 January 2018)
Tangled Roots and Trees, Revolutionary War Soldier, 4 July 2014 (accessed 4 January 2018)
Tobacco in Colonial Virginia, Encyclopedia Virginia (accessed 3 January 2018)
Virginia Department of Transportation. History of Roads in Virginia: The Most Convenient Wayes, October 2006 (accessed 3 January 2018)
Virginia Marriages, 1785-1940," database, FamilySearch, Benjamin Jennings and Kisey Roper, 04 Dec 1792; citing Powhatan, Virginia, reference ; FHL microfilm 33,067 (accessed 5 December 2014)
Virginia Marriages, 1785-1940," database, FamilySearch, Benjamin Jennings and Elizabeth Mcgruder, 10 Feb 1796; citing Powhatan, Virginia, reference ; FHL microfilm 33,067 (accessed 5 December 2014)
Virginia Marriages, 1785-1940database, FamilySearch, Benjamin Jennings in entry for John Pemberton and Dorothea Jennings, 18 Feb 1796; citing Powhatan, Virginia, reference ; FHL microfilm 33,067(5 December 2014),
Virginia Marriages, 1785-1940database, FamilySearch, Benjamin Jennings in entry for Benjamin Walrind and Elizabeth Jennings, 03 Jan 1810; citing Powhatan, Virginia, reference ; FHL microfilm 33,067(5 December 2014)
Virginia Marriages, 1785-1940database, FamilySearch, Benja Jennings in entry for Benjamin Burton and Martha Jennings, 11 Nov 1816; citing Powhatan, Virginia, reference ; FHL microfilm 33,067(5 December 2014)
Virginia Wills and Probate Records, 1652-1983, database, Ancestry.com, Benjamin Jennings 27 Mar, 19 Jul, 24 Jul 1815, Powhatan County Virginia, images 11, 236-238, 241-242 (accessed 1 January 2018)

Who Was the Original Jennings Immigrant?
Did John W. Jennings, Sr. (c1777-1858) Marry His Niece?

Thursday, December 28, 2017

Who's Your Daddy, Adam Beard?

In 1952 Jessie Irene Beard (Brand) wrote a small book entitled, History of Adam Beard and His Descendants. There isn't much doubt Adam Beard was born on 11 November 1787 in Bedford County, Virginia. He married Margaret Ennis Crouch on 8 March 1814 in the county of his birth. Six months later he enlisted as a private in Captain John Hewitt's Company, which was part of the Second Regiment of the Virginia Militia and served his country until 30 November 1814. As a result of his military service he received two parcels of land, which I have yet to track down.

Adam and Margaret had ten known children in Virginia before they migrated to what was then Mason County, Virginia, in 1845. It is now part of West Virginia. They built a log cabin on Shady Fork of the Little Sixteen Creek, about 20 miles from Point Pleasant, where the Kanawha river joins the Ohio river.

Adam Beard's Cabin on Shady Fork; image courtesy of History of
Adam Beard and His Descendants

They lost at least one son during the Civil War. Margaret (Crouch) Beard died in 1870 and Adam Beard died in 1872. They are both buried in Viers Chapel Cemetery in Mason County, West Virginia.

Jessie believed her Adam Beard descended from Capt. David Beard. She wrote in her book:

"The earliest record of the Beard family that can be traced here in the United States is of -- David Beard -- the first one of our family to settle here. Legend tells us that his family were natives of Ayrshire, Scotland, but left there because of religious persecution and went to North Ireland. No actual facts are known by the writer about his early life here, except, that he lived in Virginia and was a soldier in the American Revolution. He was in the army of General Greene, serving with him through the Southern Campaign, rising to the rank of Captain. He was badly wounded at the battle of Cowpens, January 17, 1781, having been shot through the abdomen while leading a charge near the close of the conflict. After his recovery, he again entered the service and was at the surrender of Yorktown. After the war was over, he returned to Virginia and settled in Bedford County."

This paragraph is incorrect on a number of fronts. Capt. David Beard's grandfather was John Beard (1705-1780) and he was born in Bedford County. So there have been Beards in that county since at least the late 1600s.

Most public trees I have found on several genealogy websites list Capt. David Beard as the father of  the Adam Beard who married Margaret Crouch. And David Beard did have a son named Adam Beard, who was born about 1770 in Virginia and died in 1825 in Henry County, Tennessee. I think there is a lot of confusion about the various Adam Beards running about the countryside all around the same time. This is what I believe the correct tree to be:

How I believe the Beard family tree should organized;
created using Microsoft PowerPoint

My reasons are as follows:
  • David Beard's wife, Isabella (Carson) Beard would have been 41 years old when she gave birth to the Adam Beard, who was born in 1787 and settled in what became West Virginia. Certainly possible I'll grant you, but perhaps not likely.
  • David Beard and his family migrated to Sumner County, Tennessee, by 1787 when his eldest son was killed by Indians, according to Irene Beard's book. This means that Isabella remained behind in Virginia and gave birth to son Adam in 1787 or that David's son John was sent ahead to scout the route to Tennessee. That scenario is possible, but not likely.
  • David and Isabella Beard had an older son named Adam, who was still alive in 1787. Why name another son Adam? Again this is not likely.
  • John Beard's son, Adam Beard (c1755-1787) lived and died in Bedford County, Virginia. His family was obviously closely affiliated with the Crouch family as his daughter Polly married a Crouch, likely an older brother of Margaret Ennis Crouch, wife of Adam Beard (1787-1872). This would make it likely that this branch of the Beard family and the Crouch family were close and perhaps migrated westward in Virginia to a county that became part of West Virginia.
None of these suppositions are definitive, yet having the Adam Beard, who died in 1872 in West Virginia, be the son of Adam Beard makes a lot more sense on all fronts.

What do you think?